The moral challenge of military interventions
Gang activity in Haiti is a serious issue for both the country and the world at large, representing a major security concern.
During a police operation in the Village de Dieu, a neighborhood of Port-au-Prince controlled by the "5 segonn (5 seconds)" gang, on March 13, 2021, four police officers were killed. Despite the promises of the Prime minister and the Director General of the police, their bodies were never recovered
More recently, four police officers were slain on January 20th, 2023. They were killed by members of a gang during a mission in Pétion Ville, a district situated in the hills of Port-au-Prince.
Six days, on January 26th, gang members led a series of assaults against a police station in Liancourt, a rural area located in the north of Haiti. As in the case of the officers killed in Village de Dieu, the chief of police failed to keep his promise of recovering the six bodies of the deceased officers. Instead, they were abandoned to rot on the streets, to be eventually devoured by stray dogs.
The plight of the Haitian population is no better. Kidnapping has become a pervasive and persistent form of violence that has instilled terror throughout the country, particularly in and around the capital. This crime not only causes economic hardship but also causes deep psychological damage, leaving many traumatized and emotionally scarred. Going out for basic activities, such as going to church, school, and the grocery store, has become a dangerous prospect.
We have a moral obligation to tackle the gang problem by any means necessary.
Helen La Lime, the Special Representative of the Secretary-General to the United Nations Security Council, shared in a briefing that over 2,100 murders and 1,300 kidnappings had been reported in Haiti in 2022. Additionally, she reported that gangs have been using systematic, ruthless rape of women and minors, even as young as 10 years old, as a way to intimidate and break apart the communities they are in contest with. La Lime's report concluded that this violence is part of the gangs’ well-defined plan to subjugate the population and gain further territory.
At the moment, gangs have established dominance in Port-au-Prince, but it is only a matter of time before they spread beyond the city. This paper contends that gangs pose an imminent national security threat. The solutions are not easy and the decisions are complicated. As Haitians, we must help in any way we can to suppress the gangs. The police seek both the tools and preparation they need to confront the gangs, as well as international assistance to back them up.
Indecisiveness is a sure strategy for more pain and devastation
The Haitian diaspora is dealing with a complicated crisis. The gangs have encircled the capital, Port-au-Prince, and are wreaking havoc with their reign of terror. As advocates, we must decide if foreign military intervention is the right call to make to stop the gangs. There are many questions and worries associated with an intervention. For example, will intervention bring lasting stability and security to Haiti? Or, if it works, will it solidify the de facto Henry regime's hold on power? However, I believe we must ask a more fundamental question. That is, what are our practical obligations and moral responsibility to shield the innocent and halt further damage?
Responding to these queries is made more difficult due to the supposed plot that the international community intends to weaken and even eradicate Haiti. They point to the flow of high-powered U.S.-made weapons and ammunition to Haiti as a key indicator of this plot. Indeed, they speculate that United States’ motivations for its engagement in Haitian affairs are twofold. First, it is to facilitate its multinational companies to take advantage of Haiti's resources. Secondly, to penalize Haiti for having the audacity to be the first black republic, which contradicted the white supremacist narrative of the soulless black slaves.
The actors in this plot include the U.S., Canada, France, and the Dominican Republic. They have a long history of backing brutal governments in Haiti. And despite their calls for good governance, they support the current illegal and illegitimate Henry regime.
The international community: friend or foe?
An examination of these assertions reveals that some of them are valid. It was a tweet by the international that put Ariel Henry into office. And despite civil society’s uprising against his regime, the international community has continued to back him, seemingly at all costs. It is a fact that guns and munitions produced in the US flow through Haiti’s port and its porous border with the Dominican Republic. However, it is a stretch to declare that the Biden government is purposely sending arms to weaken Haiti. It is also illogical to think that, as a sensible actor, the administration is risking the political blowback resulting from immigration to allow multinationals access.
As Charles de Gaulle proclaimed, "No nation has friends only interests." This concept is exemplified by the international community's involvement in Haiti. Each country has its interests which must be evaluated to build an effective response. For example, the US desires to diminish Haitian migration, while Canada serves as a US proxy in furtherance of their strategic alliance. France, on the other hand, desires to keep its hold on the former colony while the Dominican Republic wants to command Haiti's economy.
The current objective of American foreign policy is to assert its power without having to resort to its military.
The Haitian population has the perception that the U.S. is looking to intervene militarily. Yet, the Biden administration has consistently rejected any prospect of military intervention in Haiti. The current objective of American foreign policy is to assert its power without having to resort to its military. Furthermore, if the US wanted to access Haiti’s resources, the unscrupulous Haitian officials would be more than willing to offer those resources to U.S. multinationals, as long as they could personally get a share of the profits.
Lenient U.S. gun regulations have resulted in 48,000 deaths related to firearms in 2021 and 647 mass shootings in 2022.
Understandably, the majority of Haitians have no comprehension of the complicated relationship America has with firearms. The Centers for Disease Control has reported that in 2021, there were a total of 48,000 deaths related to firearms, with 647 mass shootings occurring in 2022 in the US. These statistics suggest that the nation has been unable to effectively manage gun control and thereby safeguard its citizens. This is the result of many US states lenient gun regulations. It is easy for smugglers to acquire guns. The combination of this easy access to powerful weapons of war, and Haiti’s lack of control over its ports and border with the Dominican Republic are the foundation of the gun problem in Haiti.
The Haitian diaspora is faced with the dilemma of choosing which policy to support that can bring relief to Haiti. Everyone agrees that gangs are a threat to the country. We also recognize that their members are young men who join for protection, enjoyment, respect, and money. Therefore, many advocates are leery of policies that would involve direct military confrontation. However, the gangs are kidnapping, raping, and killing innocent civilians. It is sensible to aim to save the young gang members, but these principles are only feasible until someone is looking down the barrel of a Kalashnikov rifle.
Our responsibility is to protect the innocent
When considering the classic perception of war as having a foreign enemy, Haiti is not in a state of war. Nevertheless, for the people who are assailed by gangs, the experience is equivalent. In a manner resembling a python, these gangs have encircled the capital city of Port-au-Prince, which is home to 40% of the electorate. They are perpetrating atrocities that make life intolerable for all Haitians.
Faced with the magnitude of suffering and the deterioration of the nation, how do we decide such gravity? What are our options?
Ethically, can Haitians hope and wait for a political solution while women and children are being kidnapped, raped, and killed?
The Haitian diaspora has to evaluate the pros and cons of backing international involvement or waiting for a local political solution to emerge. All parties, including the police, are in agreement that the best option is a strengthened police force is essential to restoring order. But there are worries that outside involvement could lead to unintended consequences and further empower the existing government.
As Haitians, can we ethically wait for a political solution to emerge while atrocities such as kidnapping, rape, and murder are continuing unabated? The diaspora is faced with an immediate practical challenge weaved with difficult moral concerns. While many hope for elections, there is no way to move towards the reestablishment of law and governance without the freedom of movement. So, is international intervention the answer to stopping gangs?
Acting decisively through advocacy
As community leaders and advocates, we must engage in discussions about how best to respond to this crisis. Three organizations (Konbit for Haiti, the United Front, and FEWGI) came together with National Haitian American Elected Official Network (NHAEON) to initiate this discussion and identify the community’s advocacy priorities. The result of those community discussions has been a broad agreement to focus our advocacy efforts on security and governance.
Let’s be clear, the de facto government's disregard for its citizens is not only cynic and callous. It is also criminal. They have talked about but neglected to provide the police with the necessary resources. In an ideal world, a majority of Haiti's political leaders should be in prison. Even so, politics is about negotiations based on power relations.
The de facto government's disregard for its citizens is not only cynical and callous. It is also criminal.
This document is making a call for action with a moral basis. However, I know all too well that political decisions are based on practicality instead of morality or ideology. Ariel Henry holds the positions of president, de facto prime minister, and minister of interior. The international community and particularly the United States' endorsement of his government gives them some responsibility and control over him. Our advocacy must include clear demands of the Biden administration. We should also be clear there is a political price to pay if they continue to support PM Henry to the detriment of the Haitian population.
The ideal option is to strengthen Haiti’s security infrastructure, including the police and army. The police need to clear, secure and hold gang-controlled areas. This strategy must be accompanied by aggressive social and economic development programs. However, the police director-general stated that even if security forces were able to clear an area, they do not have sufficient force to hold it and ensure the gangs do not return. He has requested an international force to back up his forces. Another option could be to arm the civilian population to defend and protect their neighborhoods once cleared of gangs. But arming civilians in this delicate context is akin to throwing gasoline on a raging fire.
The diaspora has a moral and practical obligation to support every effort to uproot the gangs – by any means necessary.
I believe it is essential that the diaspora join forces and ask for additional assistance for Haitian law enforcement. This includes providing them with the necessary resources such as weapons, ammunition, bulletproof vests, and armored cars. Moreover, we should also demand higher wages for police officers, as the current salary of an average officer (less than 250 dollars per month) is inadequate and unacceptable. Additionally, we should demand that police officers receive a bonus as a risk allowance and suspend the withholding of employment tax from their paychecks. Lastly, I believe the diaspora should create a non-profit foundation to support the families of fallen officers.
Ultimately, Haitians in the diaspora will have to decide whether or not to support another international intervention. But as we struggle with this deeply difficult ethical question, I believe any prejudice must be motivated by the protection of innocent Haitians. In sum, this paper argues that we have a moral and practical obligation to support every effort to uproot the gangs – by any means necessary. This means equipping and funding the police. It also means an international force to train and reinforce that as they take on Haiti’s powerful gangs.